Why Filipino Labor Movements’ Senate bid is Important
Filipino Labor Movements are attempting to gain institutional power in the Philippines by fielding multiple candidates for the Senate.
The May 2025 mid-term elections will have far-reaching implications in the Filipino political landscape. After the arrest of Rodrigo Roa Duterte and his subsequent detention in the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity, his supporters have mobilized to express their disappointment with the current administration of Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. The House of Representatives has also transmitted articles of impeachment to the Senate against the current vice president and Duterte’s daughter, Sara. Whoever wins seats in the Senate will have a say on whether Sara will be removed from office, which can impact her possible presidential run in the 2028 polls. In other words, the results will speak either to the support for the Marcoses or the enduring appeal of the Dutertes.
However, aside from the break among political elites, an interesting dynamic is the number and variety of candidates for the Senate hailing from the labor sector. Leody de Guzman and Renecio “Luke” Espiritu are fielded by the Partido Lakas ng Masa (PLM or Party of the Labouring Masses), a political party in the Philippines openly advocating for the toppling of Filipino political elites and a transition to socialism. De Guzman previously ran as president, with Espiritu running for the Senate. Meanwhile, the Federation of Free Workers (FFW) also supports the senatorial run of its president, Atty. Sonny Matula. The FFW’s foundation was inspired by Catholic Social Teaching and has remained active since its foundation in the 1950s (Amante, 2019). There is also the whole set of candidates from the MAKABAYAN bloc: workers, healthcare workers, fisherfolk, women, teachers, urban poor, transportation workers, minorities, and farmers. To me, labor leaders and representatives vying for higher office (1) represent a challenge to entrenched political elites, (2) confront traditional notions of meritocracy, and (3) re-politicize welfare in the country. I explain each in what follows.
First, labor representatives running for higher office is a potent exercise of electoral rights in a country known for having heavily entrenched political elites. Political dynasties — when more than one family member holds offices concurrently. — is an enduring problem in the Philippines linked to adverse developmental outcomes (Mendoza et al, 2016). Their resilience is owed to their strong machinery and deep resources used to manufacture support to maintain their hold over localities and increase their chances of holding national offices (Aspinall et al, 2016). Despite constitutional mandates for it, Congress has not passed a law banning dynasties. In a time when political rights are curtailed in the Philippines, having candidates that challenge entrenched political families is a much-needed win to deepen democratic processes. We have already seen that dynasties can be dismantled, and labor movements’ long experience in grassroots organizing could be instrumental. Expectedly, this will be an arduous journey given the rampant red-tagging used to delegitimize the Philippine left while making them a target of military operations.
Second, labor representatives running for higher office challenge traditional notions of meritocracy and stress that solidarity and engagement with the sector you claim to represent are also critical qualifications. Senatorial candidates like Nurse Jocelyn Andamo and Atty. Renecio “Luke” Espiritu bring their professional qualifications and commitment to their sectors’ welfare. Andamo leads the Filipino Nurses United, a group that has continuously championed better working conditions for nurses, especially during the pandemic. They are also crucial in holding the government accountable for the release of promised benefits for healthcare workers because of COVID-19-related risks. On the other hand, aside from organizing workers by being president of Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (Solidarity of Filipino Workers), Atty. Espiritu was also instrumental in the Writ of Kalikasan issued to protect the water supply of Cavite residents. He was also involved in the legal cases of victims of the bloody war on drugs unleashed by the then-Duterte Administration.
Moreover, while individuals like Jerome Adonis and Danilo Ramos do not hold college degrees, they carry their long experience advocating for their sectors. Adonis brings more than two decades’ worth of experience in the labor movement, organizing transportation and logistics workers. Meanwhile, Ramos served as the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP or Peasant Movement of the Philippines) chairperson, leading the sector in the struggle for genuine agrarian reform. Their experience in these movements gives them a better grasp of the situation on the ground, allowing them to formulate more appropriate policies. Adonis proposes a family living wage of PHP 1200 across the country to ensure decent living for a Filipino family of five. On the other hand, Ramos promotes the provision of social protection for farmers who are increasingly facing more ‘natural’ disasters. This is especially relevant as the Philippines is one of the most vulnerable areas for natural disasters in the world.
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Finally, labor representatives running for higher office re-politicize the magnitude by which the state provides welfare. Some perspectives see the provision of welfare as deriving from a benign process of industrial transformation. However, perspectives like the Power Resources Approach (PRA) see a much more significant role for class conflict in explaining variations in the quality of welfare (Korpi, 2006). Elite capture of the levers of the state through political dynasties and their relation with business interests means that the interests of labor are not sufficiently represented. The systems of consultation and redress provided through the Department of Labor and Employment and Congress do not change the reality that legitimate and coercive power lies with elected officials. The attempt to capture this institutional power through their campaign is indeed an effort to diversify representation in the Senate. But it is also an attempt to radically alter the direction of the state towards the interests of workers. Politics in the Philippines will benefit from a renewed understanding of class and how it permeates decision-making. In this new understanding, politics in the Philippines go beyond the turmoil between powerful families towards debates on which policy benefits working people the most. This campaign is an attempt to do just that.
While lagging in surveys, labor movements are highly tenacious, and this campaign must be viewed in a longer historical perspective. The most recent survey in April 2025 by the Social Weather Stations suggests that these candidates might not garner enough votes to get a Senate seat. Espiritu and De Guzman garner a mere 3% of the votes. Adonis, Andamo, and Ramos are only around 2%. But history is replete with stories where labor struggled and eventually earned a place of power. Perhaps most famous is Luiz Inácio Lula De Silva, founding member of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores in the 1980s, who won the presidency only in 2002 after three attempts. As labor movements participate in elections of high office in the country, they gain the know-how and could consolidate resources to challenge the ruling elite.
Filipino Labor Movements are attempting to gain institutional power in the Philippines by fielding multiple candidates for the Senate. The only way they could be defeated is if they give up.
References
Amante, Maragtas. 2019. “Philippines Unionism: Worker Voice, Representation and Pluralism in Industrial Relations.” Pp. 63–103 in 「新興国の新しい労働運動」 予備的考察, edited by 太田仁志. Chiba, Japan: 独立行政法人日本貿易振興機構アジア経済研究所.
Aspinall, E., Davidson, M. W., Hicken, A., & Weiss, M. L. (2016). Local Machines and Vote Brokerage in the Philippines. _Contemporary Southeast Asia_, _38_(2), 191–196. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24916627
Korpi, Walter. 2006. “Power Resources and Employer-Centered Approaches in Explanations of Welfare States and Varieties of Capitalism: Protagonists, Consenters, and Antagonists.” _World Politics_ 58(2):167–206. doi: [10.1353/wp.2006.0026](https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0026).
Mendoza, R. U., Beja, E. L., Venida, V. S., & Yap, D. B. (2016). Political dynasties and poverty: measurement and evidence of linkages in the Philippines. _Oxford Development Studies_, _44_(2), 189–201. https://doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2016.1169264
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