Facing the Coronavirus (1)

台湾政府がマスクのリアルタイム在庫状況を公開し、1 日で 72 アプリが爆誕 / 대만 정부가 실시간 마스크 재고 데이터를 공개하자, 72 개 앱이 하루만에 만들어졌다 / Taiwan Gov Releases Real-time Mask Inventory Data, 72 Apps Created in 1 Day

日本語原作者 / Hal Seki
Original author (in Japanese) / Hal Seki (original article on February 8)
Korean 한국어 / Ohyeon, GJ
English / Nao, chihao, mee

Facing the Ocean (FtO) community of civic hackers in TW, KR, JP & HK made this article possible.

新型コロナウィルスによるマスク不足が深刻な台湾ですが、政府の中央健康保険庁が 30 秒ごとのマスク在庫状況を CSV 形式で提供し、瞬時にシビックテックコミュニティや企業が反応し、多くのアプリを開発しています。冒頭のスクリーンショットはそのアプリの一つ。行政側のデータについてはこちらで公開されています。

대만에서 코로나19(COVID-19)로 마스크 물량이 심각하게 부족해지자, 정부의 중앙건강보험청이 30초마다 시중의 마스크 재고 현황을 CSV 포맷으로 공개했다. 이에 시빅테크 커뮤니티와 기업이 즉각적으로 마스크 재고 현황 데이터를 활용한 수많은 앱을 만들었다. 아래 사진은 초기 앱 중 하나의 스크린샷이며, 정부가 공개한 데이터는 여기서 확인할 수 있다.

While Taiwan suffers a severe lack of masks due to the novel coronavirus outbreaks, the National Health Insurance Administration of the Taiwanese government is providing real-time mask inventory data in CSV format which is updated every 30 seconds. The civic hacking communities and private companies responded to this instantly. Many apps have already been developed. The screenshot at the beginning of this article is one of the apps. Government data is published here.

台湾のシビックテックコミュニティである g0v (ガブゼロ) のウェブサイトには、2 月 8 日現在で 28 の地図アプリ、14 のLINEアプリケーション、2 つのチャットボット、19 の情報提供系サービス、4つのモバイルアプリ、4 つの音声アプリ（Siri や Google Voice アシスタント対応）、その他 1 つのサービスが記載されております。このサイトは誰でも更新できるようになっており、今も増えていっています。

대만 시빅 테크 커뮤니티 거브제로(g0v) 웹사이트에 지도 앱 28개, 라인 앱 14개, 챗봇 2개, 정보 제공 서비스 19개, 모바일 앱 4개, (시리 혹은 구글 음성 지원) 보이스 앱 4개, 그리고 기타 서비스가 게재되어 있다. 마스크 재고 정보 플랫폼은 모두에게 공개되어 있고 누구나 업데이트할 수 있도록 열려있다.

On February 8, the web page made by Taiwan’s g0v community lists 28 map apps, 14 LINE apps, 2 chatbots, 19 information services, 4 mobile apps, 4 voice apps (Siri and Google Assistant compatible), and 1 other service. Anyone can update this web page. New apps and services are being constantly added.

口罩供需資訊平台 - HackMD

なぜリアルタイムの在庫を政府が把握できるのか / 정부는 어떻게 실시간 마스크 재고 정보를 제공할 수 있었을까? / Why Can Taiwan’s Government Be Certain of Mask Inventory in Real-time?

台湾と言えば、昨年からデジタル担当大臣であるオードリー・タン氏が注目されていますが、リアルタイムでマスクの在庫がわかるシステムがあり、それをオープンデータで即座に公開できるということにまず驚きました。

2018년부터 대만의 디지털 장관을 맡고 있는 오드리 탕이 주목을 받지만, 나는 오픈데이터로 곧바로 공개 가능한 마스크 재고 정보 시스템이 있다는 게 더욱 놀라웠다.

Speaking of Taiwan, its Digital Minister Audrey Tang has received much attention since last year. But what surprises me is that Taiwan has a system in place for mask inventory data, and that it could be instantly released as open data.

台湾の38歳大臣が見た日本の弱さ「デジタル化への柔軟性が台湾より低い」 - ライブドアニュース

g0v のメンバーに仕組みを聞いたところ、こういうことのようです。

• 新型コロナウィルスの拡大によるマスク不足の対策として、マスクの購入には保険証の提示が義務付けられるようになった
• 台湾の保険証には IC チップがついており、保険適用薬局はICチップリーダーを使い、処方箋が必要な薬に関する事務をもともと行なっていた
• そのため、マスク販売に関するリアルタイム情報を政府は把握することができる
• その情報を、行政のサイトやアプリだけでなくCSVファイルで公開することにした

이에 거브제로 컨트리뷰터에 물어봤을 때, 나는 다음과 같은 대답을 들었다.

• 신형 코로나 바이러스 확산에 따른 마스크 부족 사태에 대한 대책으로 마스크 구입 시 보험증 제시가 의무화되었다.
• 대만의 보험증에는 IC칩이 부착되어 있어 보험 적용 약국은 처방 시에 IC 칩 리더기를 이용한다.
• 따라서 정부는 마스크 판매 현황을 실시간으로 파악할 수 있었다.
• 해당 정보를 정부는 정부 사이트와 앱뿐만 아니라 CSV 파일로도 공개하였다.

g0v contributors have shared following reasons why it is possible:

• Spread of the coronavirus has caused a shortage of masks and the government has changed its policy to require showing the National Insurance Card when purchasing masks.
• Taiwan’s National Insurance Card is equipped with an IC chip and authorized pharmacies use IC chip reader to track prescription and other medical records of the card holder.
• That is why the government is able to be certain of the inventory in real-time.
• Government agencies have decided to publish the information not only on official websites and apps but also as CSV files.

さらに、入局管理局のデータとも連携しており、過去 14 日以内に中国本土への渡航歴がある人が来院した場合に医師側に通知をすることもできているそう。

또한 입국 관리국의 데이터와도 연계해서, 지난 14일 이내에 중국 본토를 다녀온 사람이 병원을 방문하면 의사에게 해당 정보를 통지하였다.

It is also linked with the data of the border control and can notify the doctor if a person who has traveled to mainland China within the past 14 days has visited the hospital.

こういった使い方は、マイナンバーカードの保険証利用を進めている日本政府にも参考になるのではないでしょうか。

마이넘버 카드에 의료 보험증 적용을 추진하는 일본 정부에서도 참고할 만한 방식으로 보인다.

These usages would be a helpful example for the Japanese government who is promoting the use of insurance cards for My Number cards.

シビックテック側の反応 / 시빅테크 측의 반응 / Responses From the Civic Hacking Side

一方、シビックテックコミュニティである g0v サイドでは、もともとマスクハッカソンなるものをやっており、市民ベースでマスク在庫を可視化するウェブサイトなどを作っていました。しかし、今回の政府方針を受けて即座にそのデータの利用を開始、上記の HackMD 上にも情報を集約し始めました。

한편 시빅테크 커뮤니티 거브제로(g0v)에서는 이미 마스크와 관련한 해커톤을 준비하며, 시민들과 함께 마스크 재고 정보를 시각화하는 웹사이트를 만들고 있었다. 이후 정부가 마스크 재고 정보 공개 정책을 내놓자마자 거브제로는 해당 데이터를 활용해 HackMD에 정보를 모으기 시작했다.

On the other hand, from the civic hacking side, the g0v community is already organizing a “mask hackathon.” A citizen-based website to visualize mask inventory data has already been made. After the government changed its policy, these civic hackers immediately started to use the data while collecting information with the HackMD document mentioned above.

また、政府の CSV には含まれていなかった緯度経度情報を付与し GeoJSON 形式にて公開するなど、アプリの開発効率を上げるためのサポート情報も公開しています。

거브제로는 정부가 CSV로 공개한 자료에는 없는 위도와 경도 정보를 GeoJson 형식으로 추가했다. 이 정보는 앱을 개발하는데 매우 유용한 정보이다.

In addition, these civic hackers have added latitude and longitude coordinates, which was originally not included in the original CSV files from the government, and published the files in GeoJSON format. They also published other supportive information to help improve the efficiency of app development.

普段から政府とシビックテックコミュニティの関係が近いからこそのスピード感が素晴らしいですね。

이 과정은 엄청나게 빠른 속도로 진행되었고, 정부와 시빅테크 커뮤니티 간의 긴밀한 협력이 없었다면 가능할 수 없었다.

The speed of this process is wonderful. It will not be possible without the close relationship between the government and the civic hacking communities.

情報を人に届けるにはコストがかかる / 사람에게 정보를 전달하는데 드는 비용 / Delivering Information Is Costly

日本では、昨年経済産業省が cashless.go.jp を公開した際、キャッシュレス還元店舗のリストを 20 メガを超える PDF で公開し、「なぜオープンデータで公開しないのか」と話題になりました。また、その後リリースしたアプリも大変低い評価だったことを覚えています。PDF の公開直後に株式会社 Zaim が勝手バージョンで地図機能を公開し、最終的に経済産業省がデータ連携先企業として認め、Zaim がキャッシュレス還元マップの提供を行うということになりました。

일본 경제산업성(METI)이 ‘Cashless(cashless.go.jp)’를 지난해에 공개하면서 현금 결제를 안 하는 가게의 목록을 20MB가 넘는 크기의 PDF 파일로 공개했다. 그러나 사람들은 “데이터를 왜 ‘오픈 데이터’로 공개하지 않느냐?”고 우려를 표명하였다. 경제산업성은 이후에 앱을 공개했지만, 매우 낮은 평가를 받았다고 기억한다. PDF로 공개한 이후, 자임(Zaim Co., Ltd)이 지도 형식으로 공개하였고, 결국 경제산업성은 그들과 파트너십을 맺어 Zaim이 현금을 사용하지 않는 가게 지도를 제공하기로 결정하였다.

When Japan’s Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) launched cashless.go.jp last year, a list of stores that offer cash return for cashless payments was released as a PDF file over 20MB. People were wondering — “Why don’t they open this data as open data?” They also released an app after this but as I remember, the review of the app was really bad. Right after the release of the PDF, Zaim Co., Ltd. released its own version of the map. Eventually, METI decided to recognize Zaim as a “data cooperation partner,” and Zaim became the provider of the map of stores that offers cash return for cashless payments.

経産省キャッシュレス事業「3600ページのPDF」爆誕の背景　担当者「使えるお店を早く知りたいという声に最大限答えた」

情報というのは、公開するだけではなく、必要な人に必要な形で届けてこそ意味があります。人に情報を届けるにはコストがかかります。時には開発費以上のコストが必要です。民間企業が自分のアプリをインストールしてもらうためにどれだけのコストをかけているか、使い勝手を上げるためにどれだけ投資しているかを調べてみると良いと思います。

활용 가능한 정보란 단순히 공개하는 것이 아니라 필요로 하는 사람에게 필요한 형식으로 제공되어야 의미가 생긴다. 시민들에게 정보를 제공하는 비용이 발생한다. 때로는 개발하는 비용보다도 더 많은 비용이 들기도 한다. 민간 기업들이 그들이 만든 앱을 사람들로 하여금 설치하게 하기 위해 얼마나 많은 비용을 쓰는지, 또한 더 쉽게 사용하게 만들기 위해 어떤 비용을 쓰는지 확인해 본다면 좋겠다.

What makes information usable is not only making it public but delivering it to people who need it in the right format. Delivering information to people costs money. Sometimes the cost is more than the costs of software development. You can research how much money private companies are spending to get their apps installed and how much they are investing to make them easier to use.

特に、迅速に多くの人に届けるべき情報があり、注目度が高い場合は、オープンデータが向いています。

특히 많은 사람들에게 신속하게 전달해야 하는 정보이자 주목도가 높다면 오픈 데이터가 적합하다.

If information needs to be delivered to many people quickly and the demand is high, it should be delivered as open data.

こういったことを説明する際によく行政の方から聞くのが「悪用が怖い」という言葉。しかし、実際には注目される案件であればあるほど、自浄作用が働きます。オープンソースソフトウェア（OSS）コミュニティでは、公開されているソースコードが多くの人の目にさらされることで品質が向上していくという考え方があります。オープンデータも同様で、行政と協働する市民や企業を増やすことで、高い自浄作用を期待することができるのです。

이런 일을 설명하면 정부 관계자들은 ‘악용되면 어떡하냐’라는 우려를 이야기하곤 한다. 하지만 많은 사람들이 주목하는 프로젝트일수록 자정 작용이 일어난다. 오픈소스 커뮤니티는 더 많은 사람들이 들여다볼수록 소스 코드의 품질이 높아진다는 믿음을 가지고 있다. 오픈 데이터도 동일하게, 정부와 함께 하는 시민이나 기업이 늘어날수록 더 높은 자정 작용을 기대할 수 있게 된다.

When talking about open data, we often hear from the government that “We are afraid of abuse.” In fact, more attention is paid to a project, the more it can “self-cleanse.” The open-source software (OSS) community believes that the quality of the source code would increase as more people read it. The same goes for open data. By increasing the number of citizens and businesses working with the government, a high self-cleaning effect can be expected.

行政だけの問題ではない / 정부만의 문제가 아니다 / It’s Not Just A Government Problem

今回のコロナ感染拡大により、政府と市民による連携の重要性が再認識されました。民間側の動きが活発になることで、政府もデータの公開や必要なリソースの提供により投資することができる側面もあります。政府だけではなく、民間側もg0vに学べることは多いです。行政に文句を言うだけではなく、ぜひ自分たちで手を動かしていきましょう。

코로나19 사태를 진정시키는데 정부와 시민사회의 협력이 그 어느 때보다 필요하다. 정부가 데이터와 지원을 제공할 수 있도록 거브제로(g0v) 같은 시민 사회가 적극적인 역할을 한다면 정부도 그에 힘입어 움직일 수 있다. 정부, 기업, 시민사회 모두 거브제로(g0v)로부터 배울 수 있다. 정부에 불평하는 것을 넘어, 우리 스스로 무엇이든 행동해보자.

The coronavirus crisis requires the partnership of governments and civil society. An active civil society like g0v in Taiwan can boost governments’ confidence to provide data and other resources. Governments, companies, and civic organizations can all learn from the contributors of g0v. Instead of complaining about the government, make things happen with our own hands.

現在、g0v、g0vhk、Code for Japan、Parti Co-opやNullfullからなるシビックハックコミュニティである、Facing the Oceanでは、オンラインワークショップやハッカソンの企画をしています。誰でもプロジェクトを始められ、仲間を集め、プロトタイピングに参加できる場です。エンジニアだけでなく、さまざまな人がふらっと遊びに来るゆるいイベントです。もちろん、行政の方も大歓迎。一緒にコロナを乗り越えましょう！

“Facing the Ocean” 시빅해킹(시민기술) 커뮤니티(사회적협동조합 빠띠, 널채움, 대만 거브제로, 거브제로 홍콩, 코드포재팬)가 (온라인) 워크숍과 해커톤을 주최했다. 누구나 여기에 와서, 프로젝트를 시작하고 동료 시민을 모아 사회 문제를 해결할 프로토타입을 만들 수 있다. 해커톤은 개발자뿐만 아니라 다양한 배경을 가진 사람들이 함께 모이는 네트워킹 행사이다. (정부에서 온 사람들도 환영한다!) 우리는 코로나19에 대응하는 데 기여하고 함께 하고 싶은 여러분을 진심으로 환영한다.

Right now, civic hacking (civic tech) communities in the “Facing the Ocean” network such as g0v, g0vhk, Code for Japan, Parti Co-op, and Nullfull are hosting (online) workshops and hackathons. Anyone can come to start a project, gather friends, and prototype to address social problems. Our hackathons are social events where engineers and people with various backgrounds come together. (People from the governments are also welcome.) We sincerely invite you to join us and contribute to this fight against the coronavirus.

Join the communities of FtO…

• g0v (Taiwan): https://join.g0v.tw
• g0vhk (Hongkong): https://t.me/g0vhk
• Code for Japan (Japan): https://cfjslackin.herokuapp.com
• Parti Co-op (Korea): https://parti.coop
• Nullfull (Korea): https://facebook.com/groupnullfull

g0v.news is a g0v community project hosted by g0v international task force (g0v-intl). Governance of this project follows the g0v Manifesto, CoC, and the communal consensus of open, open-source, co-ownership, and co-governance.

The collaborative doc of this article can be found here. To participate in discussion and governance of g0v.news, find us at #news in g0v’s Slack. https://join.g0v.tw.

Taiwan Gov Releases Real-time Mask Inventory Data, 72 Apps Created in 1 Day (日 / 한 / En) was originally published in g0v.news on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

Understanding builds trust, trust builds solidarity, solidarity fights oppression.

[Author’s note] I am one of the organizers of this year’s Facing the Ocean Meet & Hack. This article reflects my personal experience and do not represent any other person or collective. Facing the Ocean (FtO) is a newly-formed community. Much like the g0v community of Taiwan, it does not have a singular representation. At least not yet.

Afternoon on June 10, the sky has cleared a little from the rain. Three drove down to the southern shore and saw the memorial. “The Cornerstone of Peace.”

Standing in front of the stone, I read through the four languages carved on the stone. The languages converged into a single voice, speaks of a common history, interwoven and constantly forward, like waves of the ocean. Peace. A single word and a seemingly universal concept, yet its meaning has always been manifold and complex. Any simplistic interpretation of the word peace is problematic and could be harmful.

Whose peace? Peace of a person or a people? What people? Peace achieved by the community or regulated by the government? Which government? When peace is declared, are we in peace? Or are we at war? Sometimes, even if we do not hear gunshots or see smoke, we are at war.

June 7, we civic hackers and activists from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, and Korea have finally met in person in Koza next to Kadena Air Base, “the largest and most active US Air Force base in the Far East.” Friends in Koza have arranged food inside a city-government-sponsored co-working space and a powerful dance “Eisa” outside on the otherwise quiet street. Standing next to the young dancers, the cultural shock waves were very real and visceral.

June 8, among other projects, we were compiling a list of Chinese “invasion” of Hong Kong for the last 20 years; we were making a four-language website to serve as an info hub for the growing movement against Hong Kong government’s attempt to legalize extradition to China; we were mapping relations between content farms and Facebook fan pages through matching post content to investigate Chinese information operations.

June 9, a reporter from Okinawa Times visited. It was the day of the Fan-song-zhong (反送中, No Extradition to China) march in Hong Kong. People are gathering in the parks, on the streets, wearing white. Across the ocean, four more hongkongers are on their way, rushing back to their homeland. They will be there in time to witness and experience everything.

We did not know it yet but June 9 will soon to be known as the first among many anti-extradition gathering. 1,000,000 people on the streets.

June 12, protesters were met with police tear gas and bullets outside of LegCo (Hong Kong’s Legislature). June 13, I arrived at HKG (surprisingly) without delay or interruption. I was worried until passport handed back from immigration officer.

June 14, mothers sit-in; June 15, CE Lam “postponed” bill at 3pm, one protester declared dead in hospital after falling from outside of Pacific Place (PP) that night; June 16, 2,000,001 people marched, I became one of them.

June 18, a joint statement from 8 Telegram channels demanded official response to the 5 demands by June 20. June 20, no word from government, police HQ were under siege; government offices occupied.

In FtO’s Telegram group, we would continue to translate materials for the info website made in Okinawa. A friend of an FtO friend messaged me over Telegram. They asked if I would help to record voice over in Taiwanese Mandarin for the animated short film they have made.

June 21, around 11pm, people outside of police HQ in Wan Chai were debating whether to stay or to leave. A poll was sent to one of the regional Telegram channels, echoing Joshua Wong’s on-site polling that was broadcasted via live-streaming. Comments quickly appeared to oppose this poll as forming “a big stage” (大台) and straying from the principle (rough consensus?) that this movement is “without a big stage”. (無大台) A meme then followed with the phrase “Be water, my friend.” It felt like a timely release, at least for me, of the “last battle anxiety.” It was the re-opening of a space for each person to think together and finally decide for themselves.

This movement continues to decentralize and intensify. Some Telegram groups started to add mechanisms to prevent fake accounts. One requested real people to add a * after their screen name. Others would add a “shepherd dog” account to ask new accounts to solve a simple problem under 30 seconds.

Everything was happening in Hong Kong while in Taipei, I had to work on a proposal on information warfare research. Deadline was July 1. Then Hongkongers occupied LegCo the night of July 1.

In government press conferences, Lam and officials have constantly mentioned “law”, “order”, “security”, “peace”, “prosperity”. What those people in suites never say is whose law and order? Whose security? Whose peace and whose prosperity? And most of all, at what cost?

Lennon walls with post-its have “blossomed” everywhere in Hong Kong. Counter-protesters would destroy the post-its. Protesters would then put up new ones. “Post, don’t guard,” some netizens would say. “Be water, my friend.”

July 9, in a 9am press conference, Lam announced that “the bill is dead.” Memes mocking use of phrase spread quickly.

It has been a month since the first gathering on June 9. We did not know it yet but this movement has already started to spread across the entire Special Administrative Region.

Many Hongkongers have paid great price in participating in this movement. Some with their lives. “Made of police batons, tear gas, and rubber bullets,” some have described the making of Hongkongers like so. What can I, an outsider, do or say to support a friend who has been through all this first-hand? Via Telegram channels, graphic design work have spread to arm the movement. Through those same channels, messages of love and care have also spread to strengthen the people from within.

July 21, at dusk, protesters gathered outside of China’s Liaison Office in West Hong Kong Island. PRC’s emblem was defaced. (A plastic cover was installed days later.) After night fall, citizens (wearing black for the protests) were attacked repeatedly by mobs wearing white holding blunt weapons at the Yuen Long metro station. Speculations on police-mob collaboration. Terrifying images and videos once again took over messaging groups and media platforms.

July 25–26, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy and the East-West Center hosted a close-door workshop in Honolulu titled “Defending Democracy Through Good Governance and Transparency.” Much of the conversation was around Chinese influence (“sharp power”) in the West Pacific. Lack of transparency, deeply rooted corruption, information manipulation (aided by ICT,) and China’s invasive powers threatens the lives and freedoms of journalists, civil servants, and civil societies in the Pacific Islands (also Taiwan.)

July 29, g0v contributors attended a meeting of nullfull in Seoul. It was the first attempt to build a bridge between two communities, an effort lead by the newly-formed g0v international task force (g0v-intl) to build mutual understanding among similarly-minded communities in East Asia.

August 5, almost two months after June 9, was a voluntary general “three strike” (of work, class, and market) and non-cooperative movements. More than 100 flights were cancelled. Most metro lines and stations including Airport Express stopped service. Major roads blocked. 7 simultaneous rallies were hosted in 7 districts. Protesters gather outside multiple police stations. Tear gas has been deployed everywhere. More mob and rogue police attacks on citizens and journalists alike.

When facing the ocean, what do we see? What can we hope to see?

In the west Pacific, situated in between China & the US, can we find each of our struggles as a common struggle? Under the influence of misinformation, techno-authoritarianism, and China’s expansion in this region, can there be solidarity among our diverse peoples? In between NE & SE Asia, can we the Taiwanese people play a more active role in this searching and building of connections?

Looking ahead towards this unknown, the destination is far from our reach, the water looks more treacherous than ever, yet optimism and faith remain within me. There is a constant struggle between the real (or constructed) desire of peace, and the skepticism and brutal understanding that true peace is never simple. This struggle is partly what keeps me and many awake and relentless.

2019 年 7 月 1 日起，g0v.news 將不再是開放文化基金會（Open Culture Foundation，OCF）的專案。

From 1st of July, 2019, g0v.news will no longer be an OCF project.

2019 年 7 月 1 日起，g0v.news 會是一個 g0v 社群坑，坑主是 g0v 國際交流社群工作小組（g0v-intl），坑的治理及運作遵守 g0v 社群守則，治理機制由 g0ver 共同討論產生。

From 1st of July, 2019, g0v.news will be a g0v kēng (🕳, community project). With g0v-intl as host, g0v.news will be governed in accordance with the communal consensus of g0v. g0v.news will be a platform of open collaboration, open source, owned and governed by the community.

由 OCF 規劃、產出的文章，將繼續留存 g0v.news，供所有人閱讀、使用。

Articles planned and produced by OCF will remain published via g0v.news for all to read and use.

→ 參與 g0v.news／Get involved with g0v.news

• 前往共筆／Join the discussion

→ 了解更多／More

• 原 g0v.news 發刊詞／Original introduction of g0v.news
• g0v.news 改名最終方案／g0v.news migration plan

g0v.news 公告／Announcement was originally published in g0v.news on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

去年四月搬家後，幾乎都是搭公車，從東區到西區，下車後步行，穿過二二八公園，進辦公室。三十分鐘的車程，看著身邊的人，上車、下車，有時候會胡思亂想。「這個人支持台灣獨立嗎？」「這個人支持同志人權嗎？」

早上，從健身房回到家、沖澡、準備出門。房間裡、電腦螢幕上、工作行事曆裡，早上九點到下午一點，「守護民主，行動起跑」。「是他們的活動啊。」一邊穿衣服，一邊想，然後不知道為什麼，就決定了，要去現場，去看「他們」。

在台大醫院下車，走路。中山南路右轉濟南路，是活動舞台後方，看近看，一位媽媽樣子的人，正在台上疾呼、控訴蔡英文總統違背民意。濟南路往東，舞台、搖滾區，再來是架高的媒體區，然後是一排一排的塑膠椅，坐滿了人。站在媒體區向後轉，背對舞台往隊伍尾端望去，一片白色頭帶、白色上衣、白色標語、桃紅色看板、黃色塑膠雨衣，有時群起，跟著擴音器喊口號，有時自發，喊出一些什麼。

也許是因為所有人都坐著、面對舞台，有個人站著向後看，特別明顯，於是開始也有人往我這裡看。回到我的視角，如果眼睛是相機，每一次快門，上百張不同的臉、不同的表情、和他們背負著的包袱，一次全部接收了，卻無從閱讀，無法判斷熟悉或是陌生，邪惡或是善良，只能繼續觀看。

馬路邊的人行道，左手邊隔著行道樹，是坐著的群眾，右手邊是一整排的人，沿著圍牆靠著、站著、面對舞台，而我，朝著反方向走，一步一步往前，經過一個一個的人。年輕人、中年人、老年人、小孩、女人、男人，有人刻意打扮，有人隨意穿著，許多人頭上都綁著白色布條，有人正聽著擴大器裡傳出的聲音，有人皺著眉頭、若有所思，有人正與身旁的人交談。

「走慢一點。」我有意識的告訴自己。走慢一點，才能認真的，儘量看見眼前的每一個人。要看見一個人，必須直視對方的臉，而對方也會感覺到注目的眼神，注意到我的存在，然後我們的眼神會有一刻交會，也許多留一刻，然後也許是出於禮貌的，彼此閃躲。「你們為什麼在這裡？」「你們現在在想些什麼？」「你們知道我在想什麼嗎？」許多問題，始終沒有開口，看見的各種表情卻很難忘記。也許是好奇、疑惑、也許是擔心、也許是警戒、也許是已經下了各種結論，覺得站在你們面前的這個人可憐、可悲、或是覺得噁心、覺得可恨。

在群眾的最後面站著，往舞台方向看，身邊一個阿伯，非常有自信的對另一位阿伯說「大法官不也是發聘書嗎？叫你走你就得走。」「大法官瀆職！就這麼簡單。」「根本應該抓起來。」一個中國國民黨的立法委員致詞完畢剛剛走下舞台，經過馬路另一側的群眾，委員經過身邊的人紛紛揮手、起立、喊著委員加油，要與委員握手，臉上滿是開心、熱情。

回到中山南路，往二二八公園走，手上還拿著工作人員給的，白底黑字的標語。才轉彎，在教育部門口，迎面走來，是認識的朋友，他正掛著耳機，低著頭沒注意到我，先注意到我手上拿著的標語，然後右手伸向左側，兩手握住本來拿在左手的長柄雨傘，我看見了，決定停在原地，向他揮手，他注意到，也停了下來，抬頭，看見我，拿掉耳機。

「嗨。」

我先打招呼。

「原來是你啊。」／「是啊，我剛剛去了他們的遊行。」／「原來是這樣。我看到你拿著那個，幾乎要用雨傘打你了呢。」

果然。

「你要去哪？」／「領事局。」／「那你一定要經過遊行了。」／「對啊。」

「那我走囉。」／「嗯。」

不知道哪來的衝動，我張開手，他也張開手，互相擁抱，大概兩秒。

「沒事。」

我笑著說。

「嗯。」

面對中国、親中勢力、主流媒體、社交媒體、商業利益，台灣新興媒體有協防台灣的意識和戰力嗎？

Can Taiwan’s emergent media defend Taiwan?

從 Hacks/Hackers Taipei 2018 年度分享會說起

時間是 2019 年 1 月 13 日，地點是台灣、台北、南港。這場聚會的參與者，有來自報導者、端傳媒、關鍵評論網、沃草、鏡週刊程式設計中心、蘋果日報數位視覺中心、蘋果日報新調查中心、聯合報新媒體中心、中央社媒體實驗室、商業周刊、天下雜誌的新聞媒體同仁，其他媒體的記者、編輯、經理、學生、實習生、研究員、老師⋯

感謝 Hacks/Hackers Taipei 的邀請和社群經營，讓我能站在台上分享我在《沃草》的工作經驗。我想在進入本文正題前，回答一些參加者的會前提問。

有 6 人問到：資料新聞、互動敘事的案例？

2017 年初，還沒有人要做「互動」、「設計」，《沃草》在 2 月用當時甫上線的 plotDB（感謝 kirby 的支援）做出《遊覽車為什麼翻車？》，用角色扮演讓讀者進入遊覽車產業的複雜現況。是年，台灣網路媒體開始投入「多媒體」、「互動」新聞，我於年底時做過一次非正式的統計，結果可供參考。

2018 年，《沃草》的「互動專題」產出有這四個：2 月 27 日《二二八日記：你不知道你失去了什麼》、5 月 16 日《蔡總統的第二年》、11 月 8 日《柯 p 值小測驗：你有多了解柯文哲？》、11 月 29日《投票完，世界怎麼看台灣？》。這四個專題，分別催生（或重用）了四個互動模組：Journey、Draw、LongForm、MapBox。Journey 著重在沈浸式的場景體驗，Draw 讓讀者自己畫自己的統計圖表，LongForm 讓讀者連續做出選擇導向不同的結局，MapBox 以地圖為底呈現帶有地理位置的資料集。這些開源、可重複使用的互動模組和專題本身一樣重要，有了它們，只需要新的資料集、設定檔，就能產生新的專題。

不過，2018 年瀏覽量最高的單頁頁面，還是 2017 年的《你是戒嚴時代的誰呢？》，佔 2018 瀏覽總量的五分之一。

有 3 人問到：怎麼選題？

▋組織獲利：會得獎嗎？會增加訂閱嗎？

▋外部影響力：會如何影響讀者？會影響選舉嗎？會影響政策嗎？

▋機會成本：做這個，就不能做那個，值得嗎？現在做這個，有沒有迫切需求？

▋時間、人力限制：其他專業的同事來得及配合嗎？行銷能配合嗎？

▋技術限制：新聞媒體想做的事，當代資訊技術都能做到。美觀的內容呈現、有效的傳播、溝通、討論不需要很困難的資訊技術。

這些是我覺得比較重要的考量，而不同媒體組織面對這些考量，會有不同的權重。

有 6 人問到：怎麼協作？

我與同事協作的過程大概像是這樣。我們從日常生活與價值觀的辯證之中找到題材，從自主研究，到最後發佈專題，不管是內容專業或技術專業，這份流程好像都適用。

有 3 人問到：技術在組織、專案裡的角色？如何應用？

「工程師」、「設計師」、「繪師」⋯每個團隊的組成、互動都不同。不要被你的職稱限制，自己定位自己的角色，讓你的能力被讀者看見。

工程師應該做的，不是「做網站」、「做 app」、「做遊戲」。工程師應該做的，是運用資訊技術，設計機制、開發系統，讓人能夠協作、知識能夠累積、內容能夠發佈，溝通能夠發生。服務這些目的的手段有很多，而網站、app、遊戲，都可以是選項。

身為工程師，覺得做網站太容易了嗎？試試技術力的進階應用。

▋抽象化：能不能讓做出來的東西適用各種狀況？

▋重複使用：能不能用別人已經做好的東西？能不能讓做出來的東西能被重複使用？

▋普遍性：你做的東西，不會寫程式的人是不是也能用它們來產出內容？

角色定位、協作機制與組織政治密切相關。如果能把「自主」與「一起」揉合在一起，找到自己的角色定位與團隊的協作機制，一個人就不需要全能，不需要滿載，我們也能夠在維護勞動權益和好的內容產出之間找到平衡。

有 2 人問到：怎麼當個資料、視覺記者？

那你知道怎麼當個記者嗎？你有關心的議題嗎？你有故事要說嗎？你有想要改變什麼嗎？

有 2 人問到：記者是不是越來越辛苦？會不會沒飯吃？

我只知道記者一直很辛苦，一直有沒飯吃的危機，也一直都沒時間吃飯。

有 1 人問到：有很多老人要突破？

的確，有許多「老人」。但「老」指的不是年紀，是封閉、守舊、威權的心態。除了這些，當然還有無能的人啦。有時候，無能的人比邪惡的人更難對抗。

有 1 人問到：新媒體造成大眾認知能力惡化？

你在想什麼？殖民威權統治和主流媒體才是大眾認知能力持續低落的主因啊。

有 1 人問到：2020 怎麼辦？

終於問到重點了。

主流媒體、社交媒體讓新聞成為娛樂。中国入侵台灣主流媒體、操作社交媒體，假帳號、不實訊息不斷生成、流竄，分裂、激化大眾。身為公民，我們可以自覺、可以監督，要求平台盡責，要求政府宣導、支持研究、教育，為台灣社會長遠發展來「打底」。（劉致昕，2018）身為台灣人，我們除了問自己可以做什麼（公民自覺）、問政府在做什麼（公民監督），我們似乎也該問：媒體該做什麼？如果主流媒體已經無法被信任，這場台灣的保衛戰，新興媒體的戰力在哪？

就讓我們進入正題。

我們到底是在創啥潲？

再次回到 2019 年 1 月 13 日，地點是台灣、台北、南港。晚上六點多，分享會結束，步出活動場地往捷運站走，一路上我覺得困惑。做這些「新媒體」，到底是在創啥潲（tshòng-siánn-siâu）？我們是真的有想要改變台灣媒體生態、強化台灣民主、累積台灣文化，還是只想證明自己？

從地方選舉、公投結果，到台灣的民主困境，跟台灣的媒體現況有很大的關係。選後不到兩個月，在這場聚會上，我卻沒有感受到焦慮感，也沒有聽到省思的聲音。

2014、2016 的選舉，「進步價值的勝利」創造了空間，但也同時創造了盲點。我們以為網路、社交媒體、青年、進步價值至此就要主導台灣政治及社會發展。新的網路媒體成立，舊的媒體組織成立新的部門，在成本較低的網路上探索「新型態的新聞」、「互動」、「數位專題」、「調查報導」，爭取線上閱聽人的注意力與認同。

是的，我們的報導也許品質很高，我們的互動也許做得很好。但 2018 的選舉告訴我們，台灣還有很多很多人，不如想像中那樣被我們拉著「往前走」。我們這些「新媒體」、「獨立媒體」自己跟自己玩得開心，取得了一些成果，就在雲端開起了屬於自己的派對，慶祝自己的成就。

新科技、新媒體、組織創新什麼的，其實沒什麼用

很多「新媒體」做的事，有沒有科技，其實都可以做。說到底，能跨越障礙的、接觸人的，還是人的手，科技只是人手的延長。

在專業分工的組織架構下，開發者、設計者往往需要優先處理自身專業領域負責相關的工作，因此在內容產製上，仍常常扮演支援的角色。個人專業能力、跨領域的能力、想像力，還有剩餘時間自由度，會深刻影響「協作」的有效程度。

那些對新聞的全新美好想像，所謂「扁平組織」、「開放協作」、「任何人都可以發起專案」、「任何人都可以參與」，其實是在說「任何具有新聞敏感度、研究組織能力的人」都可以發起專案、都可以參與，而不是自動把非新聞專業與新聞專業工作者混為一談，製造表面的平等。2017 年初，開放文化基金會的專案《g0v.news》創始時，希望以 g0v 社群「沒有人」的信念實驗「社群編輯」，在新聞產製流程的各個步驟加入開放協作，但群眾參與度非常低，無法製造預期的群聚綜效。回想個人的參與經驗，每當面對記者的稿子，在 Google doc 準備留下註解的時候，我都會遲疑很久。

Engagement 不夠廣、不夠深入日常

如果沒有 Facebook、沒有社交媒體，「新媒體」還剩下什麼？

麵店的電視，播的是什麼？上飛機前拿的報紙，社論的觀點是什麼？媽媽群組、車友群組裡，轉傳的是什麼？YouTube 的發燒影片，都在演哪齣？

「新、舊」媒體的說法，只是行銷用語。「新」媒體只是「新」，而「新」本身是沒有價值的，「舊」媒體才是有「觸及」的媒體。如果沒有批判主流媒體、奪取主流媒體權力的決心與戰力，那麼「新」媒體就是新而無力，聲音也只能存在於網路。互相競爭網路上的市佔率容易，與主流媒體競爭，才是真的戰爭。

改革主流媒體幾乎不可能

被財團掌控的主流媒體，影響力還是太大了。因為戒嚴殘留的黨國價值、人員、體制、台灣產業的裙帶特質、商業媒體的營利本質、媒體與各自群眾之間互相認同的惡性循環，最後再加上中国資本的介入，要打破現狀，改革這些主流媒體，幾乎不可能。

2018 年 9 月 4 日，燕子颱風於日本大阪登陸，「台灣旅客被中国大使館援助」、「台灣駐外辦事處冷血無能」等假消息在台灣傳開。14 日，臺北駐大阪經濟文化辦事處處長蘇啟誠在大阪住處自縊。事後，日本 NHK 發佈調查報導，台灣主流媒體則沒有任何自我反省的跡象。

"フェイクニュース"暴走の果てに ～ある外交官の死～ - NHK クローズアップ現代＋

2018 年 12 月，趙怡翔派任中華民國駐美代表處政治組組長。台灣主流媒體以親中傾向、不完整、錯誤類比、煽動用詞的報導，誤導大眾，製造謠言、不信任及對立。美國在台協會官員、美國戰略暨國際研究中心資深顧問、駐台灣外媒記者接連發表意見支持趙怡翔，反對台灣主流媒體的行為。

Bonnie Glaser / 葛來儀 on Twitter

Nikki, I'm so glad you posted this. The attacks on Vincent Chao are so unwarranted. Taiwan's media is playing a shameful role here. https://t.co/RNiTP25D98

2018 年底，台灣地方選舉，《中天新聞台》全天候為中國國民黨籍高雄市長候選人韓國瑜助選。11 月 24 日晚間，韓國瑜當選高雄市長。2019 年 3 月 27 日，台灣國家通訊傳播委員會（NCC）於第 848 次委員會議認定《中天新聞台》製播韓國瑜相關新聞，妨害公共秩序或善良風俗、製播新聞違反事實查證原則，致損害公共利益，違反衛星廣播電視法 §27–3–3、§27–3–4，罰款新台幣一百萬元，且未落實新聞內控、自律機制、營運不當、損害觀眾權益，違反衛星廣播電視法 §43，限一個月內說明及改善，《TVBS》、《中視綜合台》亦被要求改進。（NCC，2019）翌日，《中天新聞台》九點新聞，韓國瑜相關新聞的比例仍達 63%。（劉哲瑋，2019）

台灣的主流媒體，有的遲緩、有的癱瘓、有的因為商業利益放棄原則、有的通敵。繼續放任，台灣人就會繼續被親中、親中國國民黨、不實或刻意誤導的報導影響，台灣就無法強大。

台灣保衛戰，怎麼打？

這是一場對抗無知、無感、造假、中国野心的戰爭。身為公民、知識分子、內容生產者、媒體組織者，除了拒絕惡質內容、繼續推出、支持好的原生報導，還能做什麼？

建立戰爭意識

軍事記者顏文德在〈不讓台灣自取滅亡〉中直接稱智庫、說客為「白痴」，呼籲白宮必須「借用中世紀的狠招」讓台灣政治菁英正視軍事專家的警告。他認為，台灣人必須不怕泥沼、固守陣地，才能擊退中国侵略者。

How to Save Taiwan from Itself

犯罪學學者沈伯洋在 3 月 19 日，由「尋找李明哲」在台北舉辦的〈明哲之夜〉，以俄國為例描繪中国對台灣的「混合戰」策略，包括「斷邦交」、「經援」、「資訊戰」、「和平協議」，運用看似非政治的企業幫中国政府攻城掠地。網路上、手機上的虛擬「領土」，真的能夠影響物理世界中國家的「領土」。

犯罪學者沈伯洋警告：中國啟動資訊戰，不用出兵就能併吞台灣！／沃草國會無雙

作為媒體，我們有義務讓讀者知道、反覆提醒：台灣正處在戰爭狀態。

以「對抗中国」為組織戰略

相對於主流媒體的建制優勢（establishment），新興媒體就應該站在倡議者、運動者（activists）的位置上，與其對抗。如果是倡議媒體（activist media），那就應該有立場、有意識的選擇內容、觀點。防衛台灣主體性，注意假開放、假多元、假平衡，協防更多人。

作為媒體，我們可以「對抗中国」為戰略，有策略的部屬組織資源、撰寫報導、發佈內容。台灣民眾至今仍無法從主流媒體獲得重大國際新聞，片面、斷裂的報導也無法引起台灣人的共鳴。報導台灣在地、生活議題，提供台灣人「為什麼要關心」的觀點，同時強調中国因素，也許是可行的作法。

▋案例：《台灣豬豬保衛戰》

豬肉是台灣人最愛吃的肉。豬肉是在地的生活議題，而台灣養豬產銷、研發，都受中国因素影響。而非洲豬瘟防疫具有急迫性、對公共利益影響極大，從中国疫情蔓延速度、政府延宕、延宕疫情通報，能窺探中国內政問題，在台灣及鄰國不斷發現的走私、偷渡、流放案例，是中国體制忽略國際秩序、中国與台灣人民價值差異的例證。

《台灣豬豬保衛戰》中國非洲豬瘟 OUT／沃草專題報導

以「主動內容」（active content）加深公民連結

傳播訊息，只是做網站、發文章，根本不夠。當營利企業掌握通路，黑箱演算法把讀者分群，我們不能繼續被動地呆在圖文並茂的網站後面，必須繞過限制，更直接地與群眾面對面、討論、交流。

▋案例一：《蔡總統的第二年》有意義的網站互動、線上民意數據蒐集

作法：讓讀者在網頁上的圖表中畫出自己的折線圖。蒐集數據，統計中位數，可以看出讀者認知與官方數據的差距。

優點：網站互動成本低、部署迅速，能大量蒐集資料。

缺點：可能加深對社交媒體的依賴；簡易、直覺、去脈絡的互動比較有效，無法深度與讀者對話。

▋案例二：《六都市長給問嗎》虛實整合、代議民主補強

作法：延續 2017 議題給問、2016 總統給問、2014 市長給問，開闢網站讓選民提問、連署，邀請市長候選人上直播、網站、參加實體活動，回答問題。

優點：能號召群眾，轉為組織的政治實力，促進公民參與政治，可能影響候選人。

缺點：選民和政治人物對「開放、透明、對話」的信任降低，政治人物可以選擇使用社交媒體，能直接掌握訊息內容，無須面對質疑、批判；可能為了促成直播、活動，而向政治人物的要求、審查妥協。

▋案例三：《中正紀念堂轉型給問嗎》實體審議工作坊

第一（2017）、第二梯次（2018），共 13 場工作坊，讓各地、各年齡層、各專業民眾在實體空間發表感受、意見、彼此聆聽。在工作坊前由《沃草》邀請轉型正義、歷史、都市空間規劃專家，匯編資料，在討論之前讓參與者知情（informing the participants）。

優點：人數限制有助於表達、聆聽；審議模式可能有助於知情、表達、聆聽。

缺點：人數限制、地域、年齡、性別取樣可能偏差；審議模式可能無助於知情、表達、聆聽；轉型正義與審議模式可能不相容；實體工作坊人力、物力成本高；可能受到抗議者威脅言論、物理攻擊。

▋案例四：《模擬國會工作坊》立法協商過程體驗

在 2018 年 8 月沃草年會、10 月 g0v 高峰會各辦過一次。設定「勞基法」、「同性婚姻」等爭議議題，參與者分組組黨，在黨內各自代表不同職業、年齡、立場辯論、說服、妥協，產生該黨的法案，再於發表會是提出，與其他黨的法案競爭。

優點：實體活動、親身體驗有助於加深印象、同理心。

缺點：單次活動可能無法延續、體驗可能無法累積；體工作坊人力、物力成本高。

即時糾錯、事實查核

2018 年，三位 MIT 學者發表研究論文，他們使用 2006 至 2017 年的 Twitter 數據，發現「假消息」（false news）傳播的速度是真實消息的六倍。如果能即時糾錯，能不能降低假消息的傷害？

▋案例一：2018 年地方選舉，台北、新北、高雄三場辯論會，在辯論會的同時，《沃草》在線上直播即時的事實查核。

▋案例二：2019 年 3 月，關於貓熊，《中天新聞台》選擇性的採用木柵動物園的入園人數數據，製造因為貓熊而業績蒸蒸日上的假印象。報導播出後，「吳濬彥 Wu Jun Yen 沒有在裡面團隊」在 Facebook 上貼出完整資料圖表，反駁《中天新聞台》蓄意誤導的報導。

優點：能打臉，能讓讀者接收到事實。

缺點：即時糾錯只能用替代管道發佈，以電視為例，如果無法與電視台合作，就幾乎無法影響那些從電視台獲得假消息的觀眾；讀者不一定想要事實；讀者不一定好能接受事實；事實可能很複雜。

形成社群、策略合作

社群可以不只是被動、從眾的 Facebook 社團、求職、轉職、炫技、導流的地方。

像 Hacks/Hackers Taipei 這樣的聚會，不只可以分享技術、成功的興奮、得獎的爽感，更可以誠實地交換經驗，分享困難、失敗，甚至可以分享技術、可以共同工作，更接近黑客松的聚會模式——不是有評審會頒獎的那種。

社群參與經驗告訴我，每個社群參與者都是獨立的個體，但聚在一起的時候，可以有共同的戰略目標，可以一起尋找、強化共同價值認同。也許新興媒體之間也可以試著尋找類似的「關係」，也許可以從「聯名專題」開始，建立關係、尋找協作機制。

進入電視、收復大眾文化

「防線」、「實力」的構築，需要的不只是知識密度高的批判性內容，具有娛樂價值的通俗內容也很重要。台製綜藝、戲劇、電影、音樂，是探索台灣歷史、豐富台灣文化的重要方法，能把抽象的「台灣認同」具象化，成為可以聆聽、觸摸、感同身受的「詞彙」、「角色」，進而擴張、強化「台灣認同」的內涵。

歷史、虛構、同理、批判，不同的排列組合，能想像出不一樣的故事。

2015 年，公視推出《麻醉風暴》；2016，「期許能厚土深耕台灣戲劇」（放映週報，2016）的植劇場推出《天黑請閉眼》；2017 年，KKTV 推出以男同志、校園為題的《紅色氣球》；2018 年，CHOCO TV 推出以男同志、校園、排球為題的《HIStory2》。

2017 年，《通靈少女》在公視及 HBO Asia 播出，全華語發音，描繪台灣在地宮廟文化；2018 年，客家電視台推出《台北歌手》連續劇，用虛實交錯的方式，探索台灣小說家呂赫若（1914–1951）的一生。

第一集

2018 年，茄子蛋獲金曲獎最佳台語專輯獎、最佳新人獎。從伍佰、陳昇、謝金燕，可以看到「台客」的再主流化（洪國鈞，2019）；2018 年 8 月開播的《博恩夜夜秀》，要向《上週今夜》看齊，打造「史上第一個中文美式脫口秀」（數位時代，2018）；以《眼球中央電視台》走紅的視網膜，在中華電視公司（華視，成立於 1971 解嚴前）主持午間新聞之後，2019 年 3 月起在同台主持脫口秀節目《今夜造口夜》。

有很多台灣故事需要被發掘，用原生內容說故事、累積文化，需要資金。從 2016 年開始投入自製內容的 CHOCO TV 在 2018 年被 Naver 併購；《博恩夜夜秀》也在播出 10 集之後暫停。行政院於 2017 年核定的《推動超高畫質電視內容升級前瞻計畫》要花費 24 億元「建置影視基礎設施、加強內容產製、人才根留台灣」，計畫執行成效（2018、2019），需要關注。

除了以內容競爭外，削弱有線電視業者對大眾視聽的控制權也是值得認真思考的戰略。如果 YouTube、Netflix 還是不夠本土、操作不夠簡單，在國際平台與台灣觀眾之間就還有創新的空間。

結合公民運動，向財團、親中主流媒體、所有中国代理人宣戰

面對中国的大規模資訊戰，財團、親中的主流媒體掌控台灣大多數選民的視聽內容，我們準備好向他們宣戰了嗎？

作為公民，個人能做什麼？資深記者黃哲斌在這裡有說。

假新聞不只是NCC的問題！「紅色滲透」時代我們能做的事｜黃哲斌／反作用力｜獨立評論

作為公民，除了個人「獨善其身」，我們也許應該找回一點組織、戰鬥的感覺。也許是把家裡的《中天》、《TVBS》、《東森》頻道鎖起來？（2014 年的老招）

[建議]幫長輩擋中媒-電視頻道頻率微調

發起在小吃店轉台的活動？

電視頻道大轉台-全民調查動起來 3/11-24

在巷口、公園擺出假新聞澄清、基礎媒體識讀的攤位？接觸鄰居、學生、帶小孩的爸媽？

Re: [討論] 我們要有實際的行動

結合公民運動，因為這是一個命運共同體，一個需要釐清的命運共同體。有些人想要下船，那就找出這些人，讓他們下船；有些人喜歡這條，在西太平洋邊緣下錨的船，那我們就都有扶持彼此的義務。

歷史不是一個人往前走一百步，而是一百個人往前走一步。（鄭麗君，2018）

作為媒體，面向大眾，這一場台灣保衛戰，我們不能再固守網路的一角。

雖然說「創造新的」比「批判、改變舊的」更有意義——而我們的確創造了新的組織、新的知識、新的連結——現在，我們需要賦予這些新的事物一些新的意識，一些危機意識、也許叫做台灣意識。

如果要繼續滿於現狀、與主流媒體和平共處，那麼至少可以誠實，不要再用「黑客」、「實驗」、「開放」、「創新」、「改變」來包裝自己，因為你真的沒有。

A joint declaration by the representatives of the indigenous peoples of Taiwan serving on the Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee

Related: I made a website that has more languages of this declaration: https://speakup.tw/idg-xi

Translated by Taiwanese netizens, myself included, here: https://g0v.hackmd.io/s/SyKTh6bM4

Last update: list of signatories updated at 2019/1/10 4pm Taiwan Time

Mr. Xi Jinping, you do not know us, so you do not know Taiwan.

We are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan and have lived in Taiwan, our motherland, for more than six thousand years. We are not ethnic minorities within the so-called “Chinese nation”.

Stories told by our ancestors about the mountains, forests, grasslands, valleys, rivers, islands, and oceans of Taiwan testify that Taiwan is — and has always been — the traditional territory of the indigenous peoples on this land.

Taiwan is the sacred land where generations of our ancestors have lived and protected with their lives. It has never belonged to China.

We the indigenous peoples of Taiwan have witnessed the deeds and words of those who came to this island, including the Spanish, the Dutch, the Koxinga Kingdom, the Qing Kingdom, the Japanese, and the Republic of China.

We signed contracts with the Dutch and peace agreements with the Americans. We have fought against imperialism and every foreign intruder of our land. We have suffered military suppression from colonial and authoritarian regimes. Once called “barbarians”, we are now recognized as the original owners of Taiwan.

We the indigenous peoples of Taiwan have pushed this nation forward towards respect for human rights, democracy, and freedom. After thousands of years, we are still here.

We have never given up our rightful claim to the sovereignty of Taiwan.

Mr. Xi Jinping, you do not understand dignity, so you misunderstand greatness.

It is true that we are not satisfied with the current state of Taiwan, the sovereign state that has been built upon our motherland. This nation has just started paying attention to historical and transitional justice for the indigenous peoples. It has just begun to recognize its own ethnic and cultural diversity, as well as different understandings of history within its diverse peoples.

Nevertheless, Taiwan is also a nation that we are striving to build together with other peoples who recognize the distinct identity of this land. Taiwan is a nation accommodating diverse peoples trying to understand each other’s painful pasts, as well as a nation in which we can each tell our own stories in our own languages.

Together we decide what kind of country Taiwan should be, and we work hard to improve it. This is dignity.

Whether it is the Kanakanavu people with three hundred members, or the Amis with two hundred thousand members, each of us indigenous peoples have equal rights to self-determination. This is dignity.

We do not share the monoculturalism, unification, and hegemony promoted by you, Mr. Xi, on behalf of the government of China. It is far from greatness. It is of nothing that we desire.

Being humble to the land, respecting other lives, co-existance with other groups of people in pursuit of common good — these are values that we believe in.

Mr. Xi Jinping, people should not harm each other, no matter their differences.

In the speech you presented on behalf of the government of China, Mr. Xi, you have demonstrated your military strength and insisted on reunifying Taiwan with the implementation of “One Country, Two Systems”. You also stated that no harm will come to those who are “Chinese”.

However, any violence is wrong, and no one should be harmed for their identity or beliefs, Chinese or otherwise.

We have witnessed in the “autonomous regions” the Tibetans and the Uyghurs being driven into cultural, linguistic, and religious extinction after they became “Chinese”. We have witnessed the people of Hong Kong quickly losing freedom and democracy under “One Country, Two Systems”. We have witnessed how China’s own people cannot even speak out for or defend their fundamental human rights.

Mr. Xi, force does not lead to peace. As the old saying of Sakizaya goes, Misawacu hanizaay masasu takid — those who bully others will have the same brought back to them.

We urge you to bring true greatness to your country, to stop threatening the people of Taiwan with force, and to strive to bring human rights and freedom to the people of China.

Mr. Xi Jinping, we the indigenous peoples of Taiwan will not be threatened and will make no concessions.

The future of Taiwan will be decided by self-determination of the Taiwanese indigenous peoples and all the people who live on our motherland. No government, political party, or organization has the right to negotiate with any foreign power in an attempt to surrender the control of the traditional territory of ours, the indigenous peoples of Taiwan.

We are the determined guardians of our motherland, as we have been for thousands of years, and will continue to be.

If one day China abandons its distorted understanding of history, nationality, and statehood; if one day China becomes our friendly neighbor and stops claiming its forceful “parenthood” upon us; only then will we propose a toast to China, our neighbor, with a cup of millet wine in all our sincerity. Pasola xmnx na mansonsou! (May every time you breathe, you breathe smoothly; Tsou)

Signatories

浦忠成 (Tsou), 馬千里 Mateli Sawawan (Pinuyumayan), Magaitan·Lhkatafatu (Thao), 伍麗華 Saidai Tarovecahe (Rukai), 夏錦龍 Obay·Ataw·Hayawan (Saisiyat), Eleng Tjaljimaraw (Paiwan), 鴻義章 Upay Kanasaw (Amis), 曾華德 集福祿萬 (Paiwan), 林碧霞 Afas Falah (Amis), 帖喇･尤道 Teyra Yudaw (Truku), 伊斯坦大･貝雅夫･正福 Istanda·Paingav·Cengfu (Bunun), 伊央･撒耘 Yiyang Sayion (Sakizaya), 吳新光 voe-uyongana (Tsou), 潘經偉 (Makatao), 孔賢傑 ’Avia Kanpanena (Kanakanavu), 潘杰 Watan Teymu (Sediq), 謝宗修 Buya·Batu (Kavalan), 葛新雄 (Hla’alua), 蘇美琅 Savi Takisvilainan (Bunun), 吳雪月 (Amis), Uma Talavan 萬淑娟 (Siraya, representative of Southern Pingpu), 陳金萬 (Ketagalan, representative of Northern Pingpu)

Non-committee-member signatories

Omi Wilang 歐蜜･偉浪 (Atayal), 王商益 Kaisanan Ahuan (Taokas), 乃俊廷 (Babuza), 張麗盆 (Papora), 潘明燈 (Papora), 巫瑞晞 (Arikun), 胡雋婕Snglang (Lloa), 潘隆川 (Kaxabu), 希婻･瑪飛洑 (Tao/Yami)

今年 g0v Summit，有一位圖博人來台，是圖博人中央政府（Central Tibetan Administration，CTA）的資訊安全研究員 Tenzin Chokden。

圖博人中央政府，流亡在印度，要用圖博人的文化及政治認同「建國」。

晚宴，我與 Tenzin 坐一桌，聊到他在政府的工作，他的部門，他的同事。再聊到 2016 年的大選，還有大選時候的假消息戰。

然後突然發現，流亡的、建國中的政府，還是政府。

緩慢的官僚體制什麼的，聽著他說，如果不知道他是圖博人，好像也不會發現他在描述的這個政府，是圖博政府。

共同治理，真的是一件難事啊。也正因為這樣，用研究、實驗推進共同治理，真的是我們這一世代的人最值得投入的事了。因為這個原因，決定回台灣投入政治、媒體的工作，沒有一刻不是在用這個想法往前進。

晚宴接近結束，他說他還沒試過珍珠奶茶，現在就想喝。用 Google Maps 搜尋「珍珠奶茶」，也是我的第一次，沒有什麼可用的結果。兩個人決定直接離開，晚宴會場門口的服務人員說，一樓有翰林茶館，到了一樓，店員說珍珠賣完了。

最後，在商店街對面的飲料店買了兩杯奶蓋茶，他一杯、我一杯。往捷運站的路上，看到黑面蔡，又介紹了一番。然後，在捷運站票口告別，他搭捷運，我回到中研院的活動中心，倒頭就睡。

To me, this movement, of civic participation, of open culture, of horizontal collaboration, of community building, is profoundly about stripping away abstraction.

It is about the destruction of facades. The re-introduction of complexity. It is about the acknowledgement that humans are complex. That our democracy is fragile and flawed. That there are difficult differences in our society, among our communities. That our common values are still up for debate.

It is about facing difficult reality and truth head on. No bullshit. It is about communication with honesty, care, transparency, and as little assumption as possible. It is about removing information asymmetry as much as possible.

To me, being given the spotlight is being given an opportunity to be honest and to live out one’s values. Simple stories with a grand vision can be a force for good but more than often they create unrealistic expectation that is counterproductive for building equal, trustworthy relationships. Success stories are meaningless without the back stories. A packaged presentation strengthens hierarchy and subjugates the listener under the presenter. Honest communication builds honest connections, distributes knowledge and power and therefore empowers each participants.

To me, the mission of the middleman is to eliminate the need for a middleman. The mission of the middleman is not to build the strongest connection one can build, but to nurture the most diverse and robust network one can nurture. To have multiple points of contact. To have open communication channels. To distribute the power and the risk of personality. To set up systems of accountability for matters of communal or public interest.

To me, the question is not how to bring people in, it is how to bring people out. (@nodescription / @patcon ++ 🙌) To always go out of the way to make a clear distinction between opinion of oneself, of others, and (rough) consensus of the community. To always be careful when using the word “we” (in all languages). To always take time and extra work to try and bring out as much different experiences and perspectives as possible. To allow workers to represent themselves as much as possible, not be represented.

I cannot describe the future for you because I am writing this alone. — @Caroline Woolard, Solidarity Art Worlds, 2013

After all, a network with a single point of failure is not a network.

十月十一日，是美國的全國出櫃日。出櫃，coming out，coming out of the closet，從櫃子裡走出來。

在台灣，也許要走出來的，不只是櫃子？我們也要一個一個，一起從父母、長輩的「勢力範圍」走出來，也要從中國、美國、日本的文化走出來，也要從國民黨的獨裁統治、日本的殖民統治走出來。

走出來的斷裂、掙扎，很痛苦，但會沒事的，因為有我們。然後，我們可以成為獨立的「自己」，可以有自己的文化、價值、自己在世界上的位置。然後，我們可以站穩腳步，對等的面對自己的歷史、成長經歷，讓這些都不再屬於別人，讓自己屬於自己，和自己所愛的人們。

The eleventh of October is National Coming Out Day in the US. Coming out. Coming out of the closet. Walking out of the shadow.

In Taiwan, perhaps it is more than a closet of which we aught to walk out. We shall, one by one, walk out of the control of our parents and elders, walk out of Chinese culture, American culture, and Japanese culture, walk out of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Nationalists, and the colonial rule of the Japanese Imperialists.

It is painful to walk out. The struggles. The things that will break. Nevertheless, we will be okay. You will be okay. Because there is an us. Through us, we can be independent. Through us, we can find our own cultures and the values, and take our positions in this world. Only then, we can stand our grounds, face our history and our youth as equal. Only then, we can reclaim our past as not theirs, but ours, and to allow ourselves to belong to ourselves, and the people we love.

「你覺得 2030 年的台灣會是什麼樣子？」兩個人拿了酒，pm5 突然這麼問。我當下的反應像是這樣 — —

1. 先計算 2030 年是十二年後
2. 再計算 2030 年我如果還存在的話大概是四十五歲
3. 四十五歲的我，會得到什麼樣的權力？與我同輩的人，大概會落在什麼權力區間中？