". . . Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery. . ." (Exodus 20:2): Forced Migration, Slavery and the Emergence of Israel_By Ann E. Killebrew_2017

Offprint from Rethinking Israel Studies in the History and Archaeology of Ancient Israel in Honor of Israel Finkelstein edited by ODED LIPSCHITS, YUVAL GADOT, and MATTHEW J. ADAMS Winona Lake, Indiana EISENBRAUNS 2017 © Copyright 2017 Eisenbrauns All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. www.eisenbrauns.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Lipschitz, Oded, editor. | Gadot, Yuval, editor. | Adams, Matthew, editor. | Finkelstein, Israel, honoree. Title: Rethinking Israel : studies in the history and archaeology of ancient Israel in honor of Israel Finkelstein / edited by Oded Lipschits, Yuval Gadot, and Matthew Adams. Description: Winona Lake, Indiana : Eisenbrauns, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2017042497 (print) | LCCN 2017043890 (ebook) | ISBN 9781575067889 (ePDF) | ISBN 9781575067872 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Palestine—Antiquities. | Israel—Antiquities. | Middle East— Antiquities. | Bible. Old Testament—Antiquities. | Bible. Old Testament— Criticism, interpretation, etc. | Excavations (Archaeology)—Middle East. Classification: LCC DS111 (ebook) | LCC DS111 .R48 2017 (print) | DDC 933—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017042497 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ♾™ Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Israel Finkelstein’s Life, Work, and Publications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii The Omride Annexation of the Beth-Shean Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eran Arie 1 Follow the Negebite Ware Road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shirly Ben-Dor Evian 19 A Cooking-Pot from Hazor with Neo-Hittite (Luwian) Seal Impressions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amnon Ben-Tor, A. Cohen-Weinberger, and M. Weeden 29 “English Lady Owns Armageddon”: Rosamond Templeton, Laurence Oliphant, and Tell El-Mutesellim . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eric H. Cline 47 Is Jacob Hiding in the House of Saul? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Margaret Cohen 57 With a Bible in One Hand . . . Philip R Davies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Entering the Arena: The Megiddo Stables Reconsidered . . . . . . . . . . Norma Franklin 87 The Iron I in the Samaria Highlands: A Nomad Settlement Wave or Urban Expansion? . . . . . . . . . . 103 Yuval Gadot Jeroboam I? Jeroboam II? Or Jeroboam 0? Jeroboam in History and Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Lester L. Grabbe Rethinking Destruction by Fire: Geoarchaeological Case Studies in Tel Megiddo and the Importance of Construction Methods . . . 125 Ruth Shahack-Gross Rethinking Amorites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Robert S. Homsher and Melissa S. Cradic iii iv Contents “Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery . . .” (Exodus 20:2): Forced Migration, Slavery, and the Emergence of Israel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Ann E. Killebrew Was There a Refugee Crisis in the 8th/7th Centuries BCE? Ernst Axel Knauf . . . . . . . . 159 Israel Or Judah? The Shifting Body Politic and Collective Identity in Chronicles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Gary N. Knoppers Early Philistia Revisited and Revised . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Ido Koch Palynological Analysis of the Glacis of the Seleucid Acra in Jerusalem: Duration of Construction and Environmental Reconstruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 Dafna Langgut The Future of the Past: At-Risk World Heritage, Cyber-Archaeology, and Transdisciplinary Research . . . . . . . . . 221 Thomas E. Levy Bethel Revisited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Oded Lipschits Rethinking the Philistines: A 2017 Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Aren M. Maeir and Louise A. Hitchcock The Fate of Megiddo at the End of the Late Bronze IIB Mario A. S. Martin . . . . . . . . . . 267 Rediscovering a Lost North Israelite Conquest Story . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 Nadav Naʾaman Rethinking the Origins of Israel: 1 Chronicles 1–9 in the Light of Archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Manfred Oeming The Putative Authenticity of the New “Jerusalem” Papyrus Inscription: Methodological Caution as a Desideratum . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319 Christopher Rollston The Rise and Fall of Josiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329 Thomas Römer Pax Assyriaca and the Animal Economy in the Southern Levant: Regional and Local-Scale Imperial Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 Lidar Sapir-Hen “Israel” in the Joseph Story (Genesis 37–50) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355 Konrad Schmid Contents v Psalm 29, The Voice of God, and Thunderstorms in the Eastern Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365 William M. Schniedewind Rethinking Israel and the Kingdom of Saul Omer Sergi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371 Statistical Inference in Archaeology: Are We Confident? . . . . . . . . . . 389 Arie Shaus, Barak Sober, Shira Faigenbaum-Golovin, Anat Mendel-Geberovich, David Levin, Eli Piasetzky, and Eli Turkel Looking Back on the Bible Unearthed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 403 Neil Asher Silberman Empires and Allies: A Longue Durée View from the Negev Desert Frontier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409 Yifat Thareani New Evidence of Jerusalem’s Urban Development in the 9th Century BCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 429 Joe Uziel and Nahshon Szanton The Final Phase of the Common “Proto-Semitic” Alphabet in the Southern Levant: A Rejoinder to Sass and Finkelstein . . . . 441 David S. Vanderhooft Metal Production and Trade at the Turn of the First Millennium BCE: Some Answers, New Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451 Naama Yahalom Mack Resilience and the Canaanite Palatial System: The Case of Megiddo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463 Assaf Yasur-Landau and Inbal Samet Offprint from: Rethinking Israel: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Ancient Israel in Honor of of Israel Finkelstein © Copyright 2017 Eisenbrauns. All rights reserved. “Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery . . .” (Exodus 20:2): Forced Migration, Slavery, and the Emergence of Israel Ann E. Killebrew The Pennsylvania State University Beginning with his 1988 ground-breaking study, The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement, Israel Finkelstein has been at the forefront of archaeological research addressing the emergence of Israel. In his first monograph, he proposed a new theory—the pastoral nomad model—ascribing the appearance of numerous small villages in southern Canaan’s highlands to the settlement of Late Bronze Age pastoral groups indigenous to the region during the 12th century BCE. This approach marked a break with the three hotly debated models that had dominated prior discussions of early Israel’s formation: the conquest, the peaceful infiltration, and the peasant revolt theories. A second volume, From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel (1994), was a landmark contribution to our understanding of the emergence of Israel within its broader Late Bronze and Iron I contexts. This collection of papers, co-edited by Finkelstein and N. Naʾaman, shaped the field for decades (see also Hess 1993; Dever 2003; Killebrew 2005: 149– 96, 2006; and Faust 2006 for various approaches to the emergence of Israel). In the 21st century, Finkelstein’s archaeological research on ancient Israel increasingly incorporated exact and life sciences and analyses of the biblical text. His most recent contribution examines the biblical narrative of the Exodus through the lens of toponyms that appear in the itinerary lists in the books of Exodus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy (Finkelstein 2015). He concludes that the biblical account of the Exodus represents a long-term cultural memory, spanning the 16th to 10th centuries BCE, rather than a specific event. Though I agree that the Exodus does not represent a single event, in this contribution honoring the scholarship of Israel Finkelstein I contend that the core of the Exodus story—the experience of forced migration and bondage in Egypt—reflects a specific historical and cultural horizon of Egyptian-Canaanite relationships between the 13th and mid-12th centuries. It represents the merging of many experiences of displacement, slavery, and escape—a common feature of forced migration accounts—into a shared narrative that served as the national epic for ancient Israel. I suggest placing the Exodus narrative within the historical context of 19th and 20th Dynasty Egypt’s imperial aspirations in Canaan, with its policy of enslavement, and explore the impact of forced migration on memory and narrative (see Geraty 2015 for a review of suggested dates of the Exodus and its redaction). 151 152 ANN E. KILLEBREW Canaanite Slavery in New Kingdom Egypt A salient feature of New Kingdom Egyptian imperial policy in the Levant was periodic military campaigns waged against Canaanite city-states, as vividly recounted in the annals of the pharaohs. Thutmose III, Seti I, Ramesses II, Merneptah, and Ramesses III all led significant or recurring campaigns to Canaan, culminating in the implementation of formal administrative imperialism in the southern Levant, as evidenced by the erection of Egyptian residences and fortresses at numerous sites in Canaan during the 13th and first half of the 12th centuries BCE (see Hasel 1998; Killebrew 2005: 51–92; and Morris 2005 for a summary of the archaeological and textual evidence). Already in the early 18th Dynasty, beginning with Ahmose’s expulsion of the Hyksos, border protection was a priority, together with economic interests, as reflected in the cataloging of the looted booty and, notably, captives, resulting in large-scale foreign slavery. Generally, all captives were booty and belonged to the Pharaoh, a royal resource that could be used for a variety of purposes including service in temples, resettlement in colonies as laborers, or award to soldiers for bravery in battle. In his annals inscribed on the walls of the Temple of Amun at Karnak, Thutmose III also boasts of transporting large numbers of captives, including men, women, and children to Egypt, a form of forced migration (fig. 1). In these texts, Thutmose III refers to prisoners of war as rmt.w, “men in captivity,” a term that often signals servitude in the temples. Military campaigns to Canaan increased in frequency during the 19th and 20th Dynasties, most notably during the reigns of Seti I, Ramesses II, Merneptah, and Ramesses III. Bound captives, including Asiatics from the Levant, are often depicted (figs. 2–3). These Canaanite slaves and other captive peoples formed a principal component of New Kingdom Egypt’s imperial aims and the economy of the empire (for a discussion of the impact of slavery on the ancient Mediterranean economy, see Jones 2014, esp. pp. 423–29). Archaeologically, slavery and specifically this type of forced migration are notoriously difficult to identify in the material cultural record (see, e.g., Croucher 2014 for a discussion; regarding other forms of migration in the archaeological record, see Burmeister 2000). Additional evidence regarding slaves in general can be gleaned from the textual sources. Coercive labor in ancient Egypt was widespread in the public and in private domains. Various classes of people with limited freedom are referred to frequently in Egyptian texts, usually defined in economic, rather than legal, terminology. Relevant to this discussion are prisoners of war and foreign slaves. With increasing frequency during the New Kingdom period, “war prisoners” (sḳrw-ʿnḫ) and “conscripts” (ḥsbw) were employed as part of large-scale labor, needed to support expanding imperialistic policies and Egyptian strongholds in Canaan. Later Ramesside-period texts reflect the increasing economic dependency on slave labor. These include New Kingdom hieratic texts, often grouped under the title Miscellanies (practice texts used in schools), that portray slaves as war booty and originating from the elite class of territories occupied by Egypt. 1 In Papyrus Harris I, which 1. This practice is also mentioned in the mid-14th century BCE Amarna archives; see, e.g., EA 99: “Prepare your daughter for the king, your lord, and prepare the contributions: [2]0 first- “Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery . . .” 153 Fig. 1. Topographical list of Thutmoses III’s conquest of Canaan in the temple of Amun at Karnak. Each city is represented by a bound man and a shield inscribed with the name of the conquered city covering the body of the captive (photo courtesy of Leon Mauldin). describes the reign of Ramesses III but dates to the period of Ramesses IV, temple endowment lists include large numbers of captive foreigners: I brought back in great numbers those that my sword has spared, with their hands tied behind their backs before my horses, and their wives and children in tens of thousands, and their livestock in hundreds of thousands . . . their leaders . . . branded and enslaved, tattooed with my name, their wives and children being treated in the same way. (P. Harris I, 77.4–6; Loprieno 2012: 10). During the 20th Dynasty, there is clear evidence that foreign slaves could be bought and sold by private citizens, as illustrated in Papyrus Cairo 65739, which describes a dispute over two Syrian slaves between a soldier and a woman. This practice is also reflected in the account of the selling of Joseph to Ismaelite traders (Gen 37), which also hints at the role Asiatic Bedouins, particularly in the Sinai desert, may have played as traders in New Kingdom Egypt’s slave market (see, e.g., Morris 2017 for a discussion of the role of Sinai and the Bedouins in border control and human trafficking). Runaway slaves were likely a common feature of New class slaves, silver, chariots, first-class horses. And so let the king, your lord, say to you ‘This is excellent,’ what you have given as contributions to the king to accompany your daughter” (after Moran 1992: 171). 154 ANN E. KILLEBREW Fig. 2. Bound captive slaves depicted on the walls of Ramesses II’s temple at Abu Simbel. Photo by Francesco Gasparetti: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b3/ Flickr_-_Gaspa_-_Abu_Simbel%2C_gli_schiavi_catturati_da_Ramses_II.jpg Kingdom Egypt. A master lost power over the slave in this case, especially outside the boundaries of Egypt; however, if the slave was caught inside Egypt, the fugitive was to be returned to the owner. Following the decline of the 20th Dynasty, foreign slavery is rare and is apparently replaced by other forms of servitude. Thus, it is difficult to situate the Exodus narrative later than the 12th century BCE (Loprieno 1997, 2012 for a detailed summary of slavery in Pharaonic Egypt). Egyptian Imperialism, Forced Migration and Settlement Patterns during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages The impact of Egyptian campaigns to Canaan and Egypt’s policy of forced migration of its captured population are discernible in the archaeological record. Beginning with the expulsion of the Hyksos and the consolidation of Egyptian power marked by the establishment of the New Kingdom, ca. 1550 BCE, numerous Canaanite city-states experienced destruction and a depletion of their population. In contrast to the preceding Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze Canaan is characterized by smaller settlements and a more diverse and less integrated socioeconomic and political system (Gonen 1984 regarding settlement patterns, and Panitz-Cohen 2013 for a recent overview of Late Bronze Age Canaan and detailed bibliography). The economic and human resources of the southern Levant are depleted further by regular military campaigns to the region, the erection of Egyptian residencies “Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery . . .” 155 Figs. 3a and 3b. Bound captive slaves, including Canaanites, depicted on the walls of Ramesses III’s temple at Medinet Habu. Fig. 3a. Photo by Rémih: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Medinet_Habu_migdol2.JPG Fig. 3b. Photo by Olaf Tausch: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Medinet_Habu_ Ramses_III._Tempelrelief_07.JPG 156 ANN E. KILLEBREW and fortresses at several strategically located sites in Canaan, such as Beth Shean, Aphek, Tel Mor, and Deir el-Balah, and Egypt’s implementation of formal administrative imperialism during the 13th and first half of the 12th centuries BCE (Weinstein 1981, 1992, 2012; Higginbotham 2000; Killebrew 2005: 51–92). Coinciding with a more visible Egyptian presence, destructions spanning more than a halfcentury mark the end of the Late Bronze Age, most notably the mid-13th century conflagration at Hazor and the abandonment of this 800-dunam city for nearly two centuries (see, e.g., Kreimerman 2017 for a site-by-site summary of the evidence and bibliography). Egyptian domination in Canaan steadily weakened during the reign of Ramesses III, paralleling increased internal strife and economic decline in Egypt itself (for recent overviews of the evidence, see, e.g., Eyre 2012 for Egypt and Weinstein 2012 regarding Canaan). During the 12th century BCE and continuing into the 11th century, settlement patterns in Canaan underwent varying degrees of change. The coastal plains and valleys experienced both continuity and change, marked by the disappearance of Egyptian presence, the destruction and occasional abandonment of Late Bronze Age settlements, the arrival of new groups of peoples associated with the Philistines, and continuity of Canaanite culture, mainly in the valleys (see, e.g., Dever 1992; Gadot 2008). The highlands, including the central hill country and Galilee witnessed a dramatic transformation expressed archaeologically in the appearance of large numbers of small village settlements during the 12th and 11th centuries BCE in regions that were only sparsely settled during the Late Bronze Age (see, e.g., Finkelstein 1988, 1995; Bunimovitz 1994). The various schools of thought regarding the emergence of Israel have addressed this visible change in settlement patterns and apparent population increase in the hill country. The two biblically inspired approaches, the conquest (book of Joshua) and peaceful infiltration (book of Judges) theories, attribute the demographic change to outside migrating groups. On the other hand, Finkelstein proposes that the villages represent the settlement of Late Bronze Age pastoral groups indigenous to the region (Killebrew 2005: 155–71 for details and bibliography). I prefer to understand the population of the highland village settlements as a “mixed multitude” (Exod 12:38), comprised of indigenous, tribal, and kinship-based groups, supplemented by smaller numbers coming from external groups and including runaway slaves, whose genealogical affiliations together comprised a “mixed multitude” of peoples. These included dislocated Canaanites in the aftermath of widespread destruction of Late Bronze Age centers, runaway Semitic slaves who escaped an increasingly destabilized Ramesside Egypt and groups such as the ʿapiru and shasu who may have comprised part of this “mixed multitude” (Killebrew 2006 for a detailed discussion of this theory; see also Dever 1995, who describes the hill country population as mixed). Memories of an Exodus—Narratives of Forced Migration Recent research has approached the biblical narrative of the Exodus as a production of cultural memory or mnemohistory, defined as historical memory where folklore, ethnic self-fashioning, and literary artistry converge (see, e.g., Hendel 2015 for a detailed analysis and bibliography). What has been lacking in these pivotal “Out of the Land of Egypt, Out of the House of Slavery . . .” 157 studies of historical memory is the impact of forced migration, in this case resulting from enslavement in Egypt, on the formation of the Exodus story. In contemporary studies of forced migration narratives, personal memories often coalesce with narratives of others, drawing on earlier accounts of deracination, and include ideology, religion, or myth to explain and provide hope. In narratives of modern displacement, such as those of Palestinian or Armenian refugees, a collective memory of the homeland and an epic quest to return serves as a regenerative force in the preservation of memory and identity over time and distance (Eastmond 2007: 256–57; see also Lacroix and Fiddian-Qasmiyeh 2013). Recognizing the importance and relevance of current research into displacement memories will doubtlessly open new avenues and a more nuanced analysis of displaced groups and the ethnogensis of identity. Approaches that combine memory studies, diaspora studies, and refugee studies are especially promising venues of future analyses of the Exodus narrative. As a timeless story of forced migration, enslavement, return, and redemption, the biblical account of the Exodus from Egypt, rising from the ruins of the Late Bronze Age world, will remain an enduring symbol of hope and redemption for displaced peoples in the past, present, and future. Bibliography Bunimovitz, S. 1994. Socio-Political Transformations in the Central Hill Country in the Late Bronze–Iron I Transition. In: Finkelstein, I. and Naʾaman, N., eds. From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel. Jerusalem: 179–202. Burmeister, S. 2000. 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