The Legacy of Bukavu: Protection and Participation of Affected Populations in Resolving Armed Conflict in the DRC
Written in collaboration with members of the PAEMA DRC Advocacy Cohort
18 February 2026
This memo seeks to highlight the perspectives of Congolese civilians and civil society actors whose voices remain largely absent from the spaces where responses to the conflicts affecting the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are being shaped.
As we mark one year of occupation of Bukavu by the AFC/M23, this serves as the temporal point of reference. The aim is not to retrace the events of the Rwanda-backed AFC/M23 rebel movement, but to convey the everyday realities of civilian populations: displacement, a marked shrinking of civic space, forced exile, and the structural exclusion of those most affected from the decision-making processes conducted in their name.
The testimonies that follow come from civilians living under occupation, displaced persons, human rights defenders in exile, and artisanal miners in occupied mining zones. Their voices are at the heart of this memo.
Living under occupation: fear, silence, and erasure
Since early 2025, the M23 has controlled the provincial capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu as well as strategic mining areas in both provinces, imposing a parallel administration over territories where millions of people live. Independent mechanisms have documented acts that may constitute crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, acts of torture, and summary executions.
In these territories, the civilian population lives under constant surveillance and coercion. Local civilian authorities have been marginalized, terror suppresses all forms of expression, and accountability mechanisms are virtually nonexistent. A resident of Bukavu, under AFC/M23 control, captures this reality, saying: "The armed groups are here, but speaking about it is dangerous. Silence has become a condition of survival." This climate of fear not only silences dissent but also consolidates parallel power structures that may outlast the immediate conflict.
Protracted displacement, exile, weakened protection, and limited involvement in crisis resolution processes
The fall of Uvira last December and ongoing clashes have triggered new waves of internal and cross-border displacement. Transit and reception centers quickly exceeded their capacity, and food assistance has been reduced in some areas due to lack of resources. More than 5 millions Congolese from Eastern DRC remain displaced with no support and no clear prospect of returning to their homes.
Compounding the displacement crisis is that of exile. Human rights defenders and journalists have been forced to flee the country, losing their livelihoods in the process, while emergency support mechanisms put in place for their benefit are expiring even as the threats persist. Visa restrictions and the lack of secure remote participation mechanisms prevent many of them from contributing to the political processes that are supposed to include them. For many, displacement has turned into prolonged vulnerability. As a displaced civil society actor now in exile in Bujumbura, Burundi, explains:
"We thought the displacement would be temporary. A year later, we are still displaced. This exile has stripped me of both my safety and my livelihood. We’ve heard that civil society is being consulted, but I cannot even obtain a visa to travel to where the current crisis is being discussed, particularly in Washington, to speak on behalf of the very civil society they claim to be consulting”
The protection system itself is under strain. Since 2024, MONUSCO has been engaged in a phased withdrawal, and its renewed mandate now prioritizes ceasefire monitoring over a robust civilian protection presence. At the same time, the M23 imposes taxes and administrative barriers on aid delivery, reducing access to humanitarian corridors despite repeated calls for the reopening of Goma airport. In affected communities, this development is perceived as a concrete weakening of protection. A civilian from Sange, currently a refugee in Busuma camp, Ruyigi Commune Burundi, reported:
“Before, the international presence deterred some violence. Today, we no longer know who to turn to. Humanitarian workers face access difficulties and we remain exposed. And even here in the camp, we lack everything, people are dying of hunger and waterborne diseases due to the poor conditions. Humanitarian workers say they lack the funds to assist us.”
It is important to acknowledge the central role the United States is trying to play in reshaping global humanitarian aid, as well as its continued engagement in the DRC. However, the legitimate demands for efficiency and transparency must be accompanied by renewed attention to targeting the most vulnerable and supporting local organizations, at a time when the very institutions meant to protect and assist are themselves struggling to fulfill their missions.
Mining zones: blind spots and mounting pressure
Beyond urban centers, mining zones under occupation illustrate another blind spot of the conflict. Control over strategic sites has been accompanied by a weakening of traceability mechanisms and growing opacity in supply chains. Civil society actors who document these dynamics face mounting pressures, while artisanal miners operate in an environment marked by insecurity and a complete absence of protection.
In these zones, the gap between the ground and decision-making is particularly striking. An artisanal miner from the Nyabibwe mine (Kalehe Territory, South Kivu) testifies:
"We work without protection and under constant pressure. What happens here barely reaches decision-makers."
These blind spots undermine efforts to combat conflict financing and underscore the importance of credible local participation in any economic or security initiative. Without the active involvement of local communities, it will be very difficult for companies, particularly American ones, to operate with confidence within the framework of the various economic agreements concluded between the DRC and the United States. “These are our natural resources, after all. Politicians cannot cede them for years to foreigners without consulting us and without involving us.”, Resident of Mwenga Territory, a mineral-rich area.
Recommendations
After more than a year of occupation of Bukavu, it is time to listen: to listen to local communities, displaced persons, those silenced, those forced into exile, and those who continue to fight to be heard.
As discussions around economic investments and other political commitments continue, without their benefits yet being fully felt by affected populations, placing Congolese voices at the center of decision-making processes remains an essential condition for any lasting solution. We call for:
Strengthening flexible and targeted humanitarian support, and demanding the reopening of Goma airport to meet the growing humanitarian needs of Congolese refugees in neighboring countries and internally displaced populations in the face of current liquidity constraints.
Strengthening long-term protection for human rights defenders and at-risk civilians, including those in exile whose emergency support mechanisms have expired despite persistent threats.
Ensuring verifiable participation of local communities and civil society in political and economic discussions, by facilitating safe and meaningful access to international decision-makers, including through expedited visa pathways and secure remote participation mechanisms.
PAEMA works to prevent mass atrocities, pursue justice, and build sustainable peace in conflict-affected regions by connecting local communities with international stakeholders. PAEMA's DRC Advocacy Cohort provides Congolese civil society representatives with opportunities to inform U.S. policymakers on developments in the DRC, bringing key issues to the international stage while promoting engagement based on democracy, transparency, and human rights, particularly for communities affected by natural resource exploitation.
For further information, contact Ornella Nsoki, at onsoki@paema.ngo